A transponder is a tax form, and Kimberley Strassel’s catalogue of the FAA’s betrayal of the private-pilot class is a detailed account of men discovering that the government’s only function is to count whatever it can see. Strassel, in her Wall Street Journal column “Big Brother Is Watching the Sky,” documents the federal government’s classic two-stage mechanism: the FAA mandated that private aircraft owners install ADS‑B satellite transmitters at a cost of five thousand dollars per aircraft, sold the mandate as a safety measure, then watched silently as local tax assessors repurposed the continuous location-and-identification data stream into a property-tax dragnet that has now mailed bills to over a thousand aircraft owners in Los Angeles County alone. She is correct that the government lied. She is correct that the safety promise was a bait-and-switch. Her error is calling the mechanism a betrayal rather than its correct name: a property census with a decency interval, and the decency interval is the only variable the government controls.

The Domesday Book was not a curiosity of Norman administration. It was an inventory of every asset the Crown could tax, and it was accurate to the pig. The census my grandfather filed at IG Farben was not a headcount for the safety office. It was a daily reconciliation of requisitioned biological units against the SS invoice, and the invoice always arrived on schedule. A government that counts a thing is a government that will bill for it, and the billing is not corruption or mission creep or a broken promise. The billing is the function. The safety claim is the lead time between the inventory and the assessment. Strassel quotes the Aircraft Owners and Pilots Association saying the technology “was never intended to be used by airports and tax collectors.” The word “intended” is the weight-bearing fallacy. The intention of the regulated is to comply and be left alone. The intention of the regulator is to price whatever it has counted, and the regulator’s intention always defeats the regulated’s, because the regulated pays for the instrument that counts him and the regulator bills him with the data he purchased. Los Angeles County Assessor Jeff Prang has now sent tax bills to a thousand aircraft owners who believed the FAA’s safety claim. Prang did not believe it. Prang read the statute as a property list and acted accordingly. Prang is a tax collector who does not pretend to be a safety officer, and I respect him because he knows what he is. The FAA is a tax collector who wears a pilot’s uniform, and I have no use for a tax collector who will not admit his function.

Strip the euphemism. “ADS‑B Out” is a Continuous Hull‑Value Reporting Mandate. It broadcasts an airframe’s identity, location, altitude, and speed to every ground station within range, and the data is collected, packaged, and sold by private vendors to every tax jurisdiction the aircraft overflies. The old method — sending an assessor to sit at the airport and copy tail numbers — was labor-intensive, intermittent, and expensive. The new method is continuous, automated, and generates a salable data stream whose price is paid by the owners of the counted assets. The owners paid five thousand dollars per aircraft to install the sensor. They pay maintenance on the avionics. They pay for the fuel that keeps the aircraft aloft and broadcasting. And the tax authority receives the data and sends the bill. The owner has financed his own inventory tag and paid for the transmission costs, and he now receives an assessment on the hull value the tag made visible. This is not a bait-and-switch. It is a vertically integrated taxation supply chain in which the taxed party is also the manufacturer of the taxing instrument, and the only reason anyone calls it a surprise is that the manufacturer was told he was buying a safety device.

Strassel’s House Republicans propose to bar tax authorities from using ADS‑B data for revenue purposes. The proposal is the work of men who still believe a government can be handed a property ledger and instructed not to read it. The government will read it. The government has always read it. Los Angeles County is reading it now. The next county will read it the moment its own revenue forecast dips. A law forbidding a tax collector from consulting the most accurate property inventory ever built is a law forbidding a hungry man from looking at the larder while handing him the key and telling him the pantry is for safety inspections only. The only permanent defense is to starve the state of any record of anything you own. I keep my aircraft off the public ledger, because a man who can be inventoried can be billed, and I have never permitted an inventory. The pilots who are now receiving assessment notices made a simpler error: they believed a piece of paper from a taxing authority meant what it said rather than what it would later be used to justify. That error is now arriving in the mail with the assessor’s name on the envelope.

The pilots are not the primary victims of the surveillance state. They are the class that just noticed the cameras, and their outrage is the sound of capital discovering it has been counted like labor. The wage earner has been ADS‑B’d for a century. Every W‑2 is a continuous productivity-and-location broadcast transmitted directly to the largest tax authority on earth, and the worker cannot turn it off because the employer is a mandatory reporting entity. The worker cannot deregister his labor. The worker cannot fly under the radar. The worker’s economic location is a public record before he ever sees the paycheck it describes, and the tax authority receives the data and sends the bill, and the bill is extracted before the wage reaches the worker’s account. The aircraft owner can remove the transponder, reregister the tail number, and keep the asset. The wage earner cannot remove his Social Security number, because his Social Security number is the transponder, and his employer is the ground station, and the withholding is the assessment. The pilot is discovering the principle two decades into the ADS‑B era. The biological unit has been living inside it since 1913, and the unit’s outrage has never been legislatively relevant, because the unit does not own an aircraft and does not have a trade association.

The House provision will fail, and it should fail, because the only honest government function is the one that admits what it is doing. The FAA’s safety mandate was never about safety. It was about building the inventory. The inventory is always the bill. The pilots believed the government when it said it was giving them a safety net. The government was giving them an assessment roll. The only thing the government has ever given anyone, and the only thing it will give them again when they turn the transponder back on, is a ledger entry. The pilots have not been betrayed. They have been counted. The counting has always been the point, and the bill has always been in the mail.