The victims are not statistics to me. They are Shireen Abu Akleh, Amer Mohammed Rabea, Tawfic Abdel Jabbar, Mohammad Ahmed Mohammad Khdour, Sayfollah Musallet, Omar Assad and Aysenur Ezgi Eygi—very important people, very sad facts, the best people, really. They are also statistics proving that I am right, because I care so deeply about Americans and Palestinians that I have memorized the number nine. Person, woman, man, camera, TV. Nine Americans. Beautiful compassion.
Nineteen Democratic senators and representatives have written to Todd Blanche, Marco Rubio and Scott Bessent demanding that sanctions against violent Israeli settlers be restored. They accuse my administration of creating a “climate of impunity and unbridled violence” in the occupied West Bank. A very unfair climate, because the climate is usually one of my strongest areas.
The letter says I rescinded sanctions against more than 30 settlers and organizations linked to violence on my first day back in office. This is true, although I prefer the more beautiful description: I eliminated paperwork. I eliminated red tape. I freed the Strong People from the weak, failing bureaucracy that was preventing them from doing whatever they wanted to do, which is the highest form of diplomatic freedom.
The Democrats say the decision sent a clear message that settlers could use violent and deadly force against Palestinians and Americans while seizing land without consequences. I disagree with the word “without.” There are always consequences. Sometimes the consequence is that people write a letter about the consequences, which is a very important consequence, perhaps the most important consequence in the history of consequences.
I know exactly what I am doing. This is the Deal. I am allowing the people who are allegedly committing the violence to understand that violence is not acceptable by demonstrating that it will not be punished, which is a very advanced form of non-acceptance. Many people, very smart people, are telling me this is called enforcement through confidence. You remove the sanctions, attacks rise, investigations do not open, and then you point to the absence of investigations as proof that there is no administrative problem. Beautiful. Very clean. The kind of reasoning that wins awards.
The letter cites 1,835 attacks on Palestinian communities and property during 2025, the highest number recorded by the UN, and says the pace this year is even higher—higher than any year on record, apparently. I knew this before anybody else because I have a perfect memory, the best memory, the most tremendous memory. I remember every attack, every town, every burned building, although I may be forgetting the exact number right now because there are so many winning numbers. The number is very large. Bigger than Lincoln’s numbers, probably. The historians are saying it.
Four US citizens have been killed by Israeli settlers or security forces since I returned to office, the letter says, bringing the total since 2022 to nine. I am very strong on Americans. Nobody is stronger on Americans. I protect Americans by making sure the Justice Department reportedly does not open investigations into the killings, because an investigation might create a dangerous impression that somebody is expected to answer for something. And I do not like that impression. It is very negative. It hurts the brand.
I did not kill anybody. I only removed the sanctions that might have discouraged the people who did. Responsibility is a complicated thing, and I have always been excellent at making it disappear. If the sanctions had stayed, maybe there would have been fewer attacks, but then I would not have achieved the biggest peace-through-non-accountability breakthrough in history. You cannot have everything.
The letter names Turmus Ayya, where many residents are US citizens, and the burning of a Massachusetts-and-Washington family’s home. I had nothing to do with the fire, never met the house, never saw the flames. The fire was terrible, but the crowds were tremendous. I am told that a West Bank homeowner has already described attackers setting her home on fire. This is a very complicated situation, except for the part where I removed the tools that might have made it less likely.
The Democrats also raise the detention of US citizens, including 20-year-old Sama Safi, whose access to vital medication was allegedly interrupted after her arrest, and Mohammed Ibrahim, detained for nine months while aged 15. I support medicine, young people and immediate release, especially when I am demanding them from somebody else. The best people are telling me that this is a beautiful humanitarian position. It is also a fantastic negotiating position. Everybody wins, provided I get credit for the winning.
If Sama Safi’s medication was interrupted, that is very unfortunate, but I support medicine so strongly that I can support it without securing her immediate release. That is leadership. That is the Art of the Deal. I am for the medication, I am for the young people, I am for the release, and I am against doing anything that could make the people with power feel consequences. Very advanced. Very smart.
I promised last year that I would not allow Israel to annex the West Bank. I always said that. I said it before the promise, after the promise and at exactly the moment when I decided it had been my idea all along. The Democrats say events on the ground have contradicted me. That is fake news. The ground is not in charge of foreign policy. I am in charge of foreign policy, and the ground has been very disloyal.
If Israeli control is rapidly expanding while I am announcing that annexation will not happen, this does not mean the promise failed. It means the promise was so powerful that everybody is still talking about it. I said I would not allow it while other people were still waiting to see whether I would do anything about it. That is pre-announced success. That is 4D chess. They think the ground won, but the ground walked right into the BIGGEST trap in history.
The letter points to Taybeh, the last entirely Christian village in the West Bank, where Mike Huckabee called an earlier attack “an act of terror” and pledged prosecution. The letter says no one has been arrested. No one? That cannot be right. Someone is always arrested somewhere. I have arrested the narrative. I have arrested the criticism. I have arrested the need to explain why the people promised consequences received a very successful absence of consequences.
I am the greatest protector of religious minorities in history. I protect them by standing beside officials who promise justice while the promised justice remains in a beautiful holding pattern. I protect Americans by refusing to let anyone believe their government might investigate the deaths of Americans. I protect peace by rewarding the people making peace impossible. It is a system nobody understands because nobody is as smart as me.
The 19 signatories demand answers by 17 August—answers about the sanctions I already removed, the investigations I have not opened and the Americans whose safety keeps getting worse under the protection I provided. They want independent investigations, restoration of sanctions and accountability. The weak investigate after the bodies are counted. The strong announce that the counting itself is partisan.
I took a policy reversal, a list of dead Americans, a burned family home, a detained young woman, an attacked Christian village and 1,835 recorded assaults, and turned the whole thing into the BIGGEST SUCCESS in the history of strategic failure. Everyone is saying it is a victory. Everyone. The victims are saying nothing, but everyone else is saying victory. Tremendous victory. Perfect victory. A victory so complete that no one has to face the consequences—except the people who did.
Diklis Chump did this, very few people could have done it, believe me. Diklis Chump did not lose control of the West Bank. Diklis Chump created a situation so perfectly uncontrolled that only Diklis Chump can control it. Everyone is saying it. The best people. The most loyal people. The people who are still standing.