Sir Mark Rowley has said the thing nobody in his position is supposed to say out loud: inclusion is not a sentiment, it is a job requirement. “We cannot police London effectively if we fail to recruit from all of London,” he wrote, launching a campaign to grow the Metropolitan Police’s Black and Asian officer ranks. “Effective policing depends upon inclusivity. If you are committed to policing by consent which stands or falls on the trust of all communities, you cannot do without it.” He is being attacked for it from both flanks, which is roughly the clearest evidence available that he is doing the actual work while everyone else manages a brand.
The numbers he is responding to are not ambiguous. Forty-six per cent of London’s residents come from a minority ethnic background. Eighteen per cent of Met officers do. Black Londoners are 13.5 per cent of the city and 3.7 per cent of the force. The Met employs more Black and Asian officers than any other force in the country and simultaneously carries the largest gap between who it is and who it serves. That is not a public relations problem. It is a roster that does not match the city it is licensed to police, and licensing is the operative word — policing by consent stands or falls on the trust of every community, not most of them.
Now consider what the alternative has actually bought. The 1999 Macpherson inquiry, opened over a murder whose killers took nineteen years to convict, found the force institutionally racist. In 2023, the Casey report — which the Met itself commissioned — found the same thing, and added misogynistic and homophobic. Twenty-four years, two official verdicts, one unchanged verdict. Then the Charing Cross audio leaked: officers calling for immigrants to be shot, bragging about excessive use of force, brushing off a rape complaint. Every leader who, in Rowley’s phrase, has been “running away from the subject” has been renting out that recording. You cannot retire a finding by declining to discuss it. Running away guarantees the gap stays exactly where it is.
The measurement itself is now under attack abroad, which shows how low the floor has fallen. While Rowley counts his gap in public, the EEOC has advanced a plan to end sixty years of collecting workforce demographic data. You cannot close a gap you have decided not to see. Rowley’s campaign is at minimum an insistence on seeing, and seeing is the precondition for every reform he says comes next.
Then there is the standards argument, the one Rowley met head-on: “Some will wrongly argue that recruiting from under-represented communities means lowering standards. It does not and they are wrong.” He is right, and the claim deserves no more deference than it is given. Nobody applying to the Met is assessed on their opinion of the culture wars; they are assessed on whether they can do the work. Removing barriers that historically kept whole communities out of specialist roles and promotion is not favouritism, it is a repair of a filter that was never neutral to begin with.
The loudest counterexample offered is Leroy Logan, the former Met Black police association chair who says the force is “seen as a safe haven for white supremacists” and that he would hesitate to join today. Nobody who knows this force’s record — Macpherson, Casey, the Charing Cross tape — can dismiss that as paranoia. But read the warning properly and it is not an argument against the campaign. It is the prosecution’s exhibit. Logan joined in 1983 and became the first chair of the association; what he is describing is what decades of running away from the subject cost. The force Logan indicts is exactly the force Rowley is trying to change. And his further warning — that “people are not going to join just because Sir Mark Rowley says so” — is not a reason to stop; it is a description of the hole the campaign exists to dig out of. You do not rebut a man who says the damage is deep by abandoning the repair. Telling Black recruits that the institution is irredeemable is the surest way to keep it white — a surrender note, not a strategy.
As for the right’s noise, the two-tier policing claim — that ethnic minorities are favoured over white people — does not survive contact with the evidence the Guardian surveyed, and the politicians most loudly associated with it are, in the same season, under Met investigation over alleged illegal foreign donations. A force that will investigate its own most aggressive critics is not a two-tier force. It is a force doing something closer to its job than it managed for most of the last quarter-century.
Rowley says he is braced for attacks from a left that will say this does not go far enough and a right that objects to the enterprise altogether. He criticises leaders who are “running away from the subject” and argues they should “stand up and make a practical case.” Both attacks arriving at once is the tell. The left critique is answered by scope: this is a recruitment drive with numbers attached, not a statement of values. The right critique is answered by the job description: a police force that cannot be seen as legitimate by large sections of the city it polices will get less cooperation, not more, and will catch fewer criminals and protect fewer victims as a direct result. “An inclusive workforce is not a public relations exercise,” Rowley wrote. “It makes us better at protecting victims, catching criminals and preventing crime.” That is not ideology. It is arithmetic about who answers the phone when you call, and whether they believe you when you tell them what happened. And with assaults on Britain’s railways at a record high, the Met cannot afford a force that Londoners do not trust and will not join.
Two official reports said the same thing across twenty-four years. One commissioner has decided to answer it with a campaign instead of another apology. The campaign will now be judged by one number: whether Black and Asian Londoners actually join. Until the force looks like the city, every accusation from both wings is noise. The people calling that woke are welcome to explain what they would substitute that would move the 3.7 against the 13.5. Nobody has yet.