Complete Reader edition · Section 29 of 53

The Repression Addiction

From #WeToo: The Complete Guide to Fighting Back Against America's Aristocracy

Source chapter: The Repression Addiction

You’ve probably heard this one before: your uncle at Thanksgiving, ranting about big government interference while scrolling through his phone. “The government should stay out of our lives,” he declares, using a device that tracks his location, purchases, and conversations—data accessible to authorities with a simple subpoena.

Or maybe you’ve seen the truck in your neighborhood, the one with both a “Don’t Tread On Me” flag and a “Back The Blue” sticker right next to it. The cognitive dissonance would be funny if it weren’t so widespread.

These aren’t isolated contradictions—they’re the daily reality of how the “small government” movement built the largest surveillance apparatus in human history.

Remember when you installed that doorbell camera to keep your family safe? You weren’t just protecting your home—you were adding one more node to a nationwide surveillance network that police departments access routinely without warrants. When you clicked “I Agree” on that social media terms of service, you weren’t just joining a platform—you were volunteering for 24/7 monitoring more comprehensive than anything the Stasi could have dreamed up.

And the kicker? The same people who stockpile weapons to defend against potential government tyranny actively vote for politicians who expand the government’s power to monitor, detain, and control citizens. They’re digging a moat around their castle while leaving the drawbridge down and handing out maps to the secret tunnels.

Papers, Please

“I don’t want the government knowing my business.”

Ever heard someone say this shortly before enthusiastically supporting expanded police powers? It’s more common than you might think.

Take Fred from rural Arizona, who values his privacy enough to live miles from his nearest neighbor. Fred votes consistently for politicians who promise to keep government off his back. He also strongly supports Border Patrol checkpoints, where agents can stop vehicles without warrants up to 100 miles from any border—a zone covering approximately two-thirds of all Americans.

Fred never imagined these checkpoints would appear on highways near his town, 80 miles from Mexico. He never expected to be the one pulled over, asked to prove his citizenship, questioned about his travels. “I’m an American citizen!” he protested, genuinely shocked to find himself on the receiving end of powers he’d cheered for years.

Fred’s experience isn’t unusual. It’s the predictable consequence of a system designed to expand beyond its initial targets. The “constitution-free zone” that started as border enforcement now encompasses major cities like New York, Chicago, and Los Angeles, places far from any land border. The exception has swallowed the rule.

This pattern repeats across our system: powers created for “them” eventually reach “us.” The surveillance justified for monitoring foreign terrorists gets repurposed for domestic dissidents. The military equipment deployed in war zones appears on suburban streets. The facial recognition developed to catch criminals scans everyday citizens.

And yet, we keep building more of these systems, convinced they’ll only impact people who deserve it—however we define “deserve” this week.

Freedom for Some, Control for Others

That moment when a politician champions “freedom” while voting to regulate what happens in your bedroom. Or when they rail against government overreach while expanding police powers to stop, search, and monitor people without warrants.

This isn’t mere hypocrisy—it’s a deliberate system where “freedom” means very specific things for very specific people.

Consider how differently our society treats various freedoms:

  • Corporate freedom to avoid environmental regulations? Sacred.
  • Worker freedom to organize unions? Suddenly we need strict rules.
  • Freedom for billionaires to pay almost no taxes? Essential liberty.
  • Freedom for working people to access food assistance? Now we need drug tests and work requirements.
  • Gun ownership freedom? Absolute right.
  • Voting freedom? Well, let’s not make it too easy.

This selective application reveals that conservative “freedom” rhetoric isn’t about maximizing liberty for all—it’s about preserving hierarchy. Freedom flows down from the top in carefully controlled amounts, distributed according to your position in the social order.

Look at how this plays out in real communities. In wealthy neighborhoods, police act as protection services. In poor neighborhoods, they function more like occupation forces. Same government, same Constitution, dramatically different experience of “freedom” depending on your zip code.

When protesters in Ferguson took to the streets after Michael Brown’s killing, they faced armored vehicles, tactical gear, and military-grade weapons—equipment funneled to local police through the Pentagon’s 1033 Program. When armed protesters stormed state capitols opposing COVID restrictions, they largely encountered officers standing aside.

This isn’t coincidence or inconsistency—it’s the system working exactly as designed. Government power serves those at the top while controlling those at the bottom, all while being marketed as “freedom” and “security.”

Democracy Under Control

Have you noticed how the same politicians who speak reverently about “the will of the people” work tirelessly to ensure fewer people can express that will at the ballot box?

There’s a reason. Genuine democracy—where each citizen has equal voice regardless of wealth or status—threatens the hierarchical economic order. When millions of ordinary people have as much political power as a handful of billionaires, those billionaires might face inconvenient questions about their wealth and influence.

So democracy must be carefully managed. Celebrate it symbolically while limiting its practice. Praise voting rights while strategically making them harder to exercise.

Joe, a retiree in Georgia, learned this firsthand. His polling place—the same church basement where he’d voted for 20 years—disappeared before the 2020 election. The new location was 45 minutes away by public transit. When he finally arrived, the line stretched for blocks. After four hours standing in the summer heat with his bad knee, Joe had to leave without voting to make a medical appointment.

Meanwhile, in a wealthy suburb 30 miles away, Sally walked into her well-staffed polling place, voted in 15 minutes, and received a sticker celebrating her participation in democracy.

Both Joe and Sally live in the same democracy. But their ability to participate in it couldn’t be more different.

This isn’t a bug—it’s the feature. Voter ID requirements that sound reasonable until you realize obtaining that ID requires taking unpaid time off work and traveling to offices with limited hours. Polling place closures that disproportionately affect neighborhoods with lower car ownership. Purging voter rolls of “inactive” voters who are disproportionately mobile due to economic instability.

These aren’t random inefficiencies—they’re carefully calibrated barriers that impact different communities very differently. And they’re deployed by the same politicians who insist they’re protecting democracy, not restricting it.

The Government Contradiction

“Government can’t do anything right.""Government needs to monitor everyone to keep us safe.”

Somehow, these contradictory beliefs often live in the same minds. Government is simultaneously too incompetent to deliver mail but skilled enough to detect and prevent terrorism. Too bureaucratic to manage healthcare but efficient enough to police complex moral issues. Too wasteful to fund education but responsible enough to be trusted with military-grade weapons on civilian streets.

This isn’t just casual hypocrisy—it’s strategic doublethink that serves a specific purpose. By portraying government as both dangerously inept and necessarily powerful, conservatives can justify dismantling public services while expanding repressive capabilities.

The IRS is too intrusive to audit billionaires, but we need militarized police to perform no-knock raids for suspected marijuana possession. The state that can’t be trusted to teach accurate history is somehow trustworthy enough to decide which books belong in libraries. The government that’s too incompetent to deliver healthcare is efficient enough to track your phone calls.

This contradiction appears constantly in daily life. That TSA agent who seems inefficient at moving airport lines is somehow also your essential protection against sophisticated terrorists. That bureaucracy that makes getting a building permit a nightmare is also supposed to be keeping you safe from foreign threats.

By maintaining these contradictory ideas, the system trains us to expect incompetence from government services while accepting ever-expanding surveillance and control as necessary protection. The end result? Public services deteriorate while security apparatus grows, all without triggering the cognitive dissonance you might expect.

Armies of Inequality

Drive through a wealthy suburb and you’ll see community-oriented officers in standard uniforms. Drive through a poor neighborhood and you might encounter officers in tactical gear, military vehicles, and an entirely different approach to “policing.”

This isn’t arbitrary. As wealth inequality grows, so must the machinery protecting that wealth. When the economic gap between haves and have-nots reaches certain thresholds, physical force becomes necessary to maintain the status quo.

The 1033 Program perfectly illustrates this dynamic. Created in the 1990s, it transfers military surplus equipment to local police departments—everything from office supplies to grenade launchers and armored vehicles. Since its inception, it has delivered over $7 billion in military equipment to local police.

This militarization occurs despite declining violent crime rates over recent decades. The explosive growth in tactical teams, military equipment, and warrior-style training responds not to increased danger but to increased inequality. It’s a domestic arms race where the weapons only flow one direction—down, toward the citizens.

We see the results in our communities: SWAT teams serving routine warrants, military-grade surveillance at peaceful protests, and battlefield equipment on suburban streets. The transformation is so complete that many Americans now accept the image of heavily armed officers as normal “policing” rather than the paramilitary presence it actually represents.

And who pays for all this? The same taxpayers being told we “can’t afford” healthcare, education, or infrastructure. The fiscal conservatives who scrutinize every penny of social spending somehow find unlimited funds for surveillance systems, military equipment, and incarceration.

Remember the communists? Then the drug dealers? Then the terrorists? Then the immigrants? The specific enemy changes, but the solutions—expanded government power and reduced civil liberties—remain remarkably consistent.

This isn’t coincidence. A control system requires threats to justify its expansion. When one threat recedes, another must take its place, maintaining the emotional conditions necessary for accepting authoritarian measures.

After 9/11, terrorism provided perfect justification for unprecedented security expansion. The PATRIOT Act, warrantless surveillance, and mass data collection passed with minimal resistance amid widespread fear. As terrorism receded from public consciousness, new threats emerged: migrant “invasions,” domestic extremism, foreign influence—each carefully framed to necessitate the same solutions.

The genius of this system is that threats need not be real to serve their purpose. Actual statistics showing immigrants commit fewer crimes than native-born citizens don’t matter when the narrative of immigrant criminality justifies border militarization. The fact that you’re more likely to be killed by a falling vending machine than a terrorist doesn’t diminish terrorism’s value as justification for surveillance.

We see this manufacturing process play out in real-time through media echo chambers that amplify specific threats while minimizing others. The same network that devotes hours to a caravan of migrants approaching the southern border might give minimal coverage to domestic terrorism or corporate crime that kills thousands annually.

This threat production operates on a simple formula: identify something people fear, amplify that fear beyond statistical reality, propose increased control as the only solution, and portray opposition as enabling the threat.

The cycle continues because it works.

When the Leopards Eat Your Face

“I never thought the surveillance system I supported would monitor ME.”

This stunned realization has become increasingly common among conservatives who enthusiastically supported expanding security powers only to find themselves unexpectedly targeted.

Take Dave, a rural gun owner who cheered expanded police powers for years—until red flag laws allowed authorities to temporarily confiscate his firearms following a heated Facebook argument. Or Linda, who supported mass surveillance to catch terrorists—until her conservative Christian group appeared on a government watchlist for their anti-abortion activities. Or the January 6th participants genuinely shocked to face federal charges for actions they believed were patriotic.

These aren’t isolated incidents—they’re the inevitable consequences of building machinery that eventually expands beyond its original targets.

The dawning realization typically follows a predictable pattern:

  1. Disbelief: “This can’t be happening to ME—I’m a law-abiding citizen!”
  2. Indignation: “Don’t they know I’m one of the GOOD ones?”
  3. Betrayal: “I supported these powers to use against THEM, not ME!”
  4. Selective outrage: “THIS application of the system is tyranny!”

What rarely follows is the recognition that perhaps the system itself is the problem. Instead, there’s usually a demand for exception—not dismantling the machinery, just redirecting it back toward its “proper” targets.

After the January 6th events, we saw this pattern writ large. Many who had demanded harsh treatment for previous protesters suddenly discovered deep concern for due process, humane detention conditions, and proportional punishment. The machinery they’d built for others was suddenly processing them, and the experience proved revelatory.

These moments of realization create opportunities. When conservatives personally experience the repressive systems they’ve supported, previously abstract warnings become concrete. Theoretical discussions about civil liberties transform into immediate concerns about their own freedom.

The Constitutional Fine Print

You know those medication commercials where the announcer spends 10 seconds describing the benefits and then 50 seconds racing through potentially deadly side effects? Constitutional exceptions work similarly—small carve-outs that eventually swallow the rule.

The border exception began as a narrow allowance for searches at actual entry points. Today, it extends 100 miles inward from any border—including coastlines—encompassing approximately two-thirds of the American population. Within this zone, Border Patrol can establish checkpoints, stop and question anyone, and search vehicles without warrants.

Similarly, the “third-party doctrine” started as a limited concept that you lose privacy protection for information voluntarily shared with businesses. In our digital age, this exception has exploded to cover nearly everything—your location data, purchase history, search queries, communications metadata—effectively gutting Fourth Amendment protections.

Each exception began small, with reassurances about limited application. Each has expanded far beyond its original scope through mission creep, technological change, and deliberate stretching by agencies seeking broader powers.

Think of constitutional protections like a sweater with a small hole. Pull on that hole a little, and soon the entire garment unravels. Each seemingly reasonable exception creates precedent for the next expansion, until the exception becomes the new normal.

The cumulative effect transforms the Constitution from a shield protecting citizens into a document full of asterisks and footnotes mostly protecting government and corporate power from citizen interference.

Your Personal Surveillance System

Remember when the government building a comprehensive surveillance system seemed dystopian? Now we pay for the privilege of installing our own monitoring devices in our homes, cars, and pockets.

Your smart speaker listens constantly for its wake word—and occasionally more. Your phone tracks your location, communications, and habits. Your smart TV watches what you watch. Your fitness tracker monitors your physical activity. Your browsing history paints an intimate portrait of your interests, concerns, and desires.

This data, collected by private companies, becomes accessible to government through purchase, partnership, or legal demand—creating a surveillance infrastructure that circumvents constitutional limitations on state power.

The genius of this system is its voluntary nature. People who would vigorously oppose government installing cameras in their homes happily install internet-connected devices that can be even more invasive. The surveillance is reframed as convenience, the monitoring as service, the tracking as personalization.

Data that would require a warrant if collected directly by government is freely purchased from data brokers who aggregate it from apps and services you use daily. Information that would trigger Fourth Amendment protections if seized from your home is handed over through terms of service agreements no one reads.

The result? A monitoring system more comprehensive than anything directly implemented by government, built with the enthusiastic participation of its targets, funded by those being monitored, and largely beyond constitutional protection because it’s “private.”

When this private surveillance merges with government capabilities, it creates what experts call the “surveillance-industrial complex”—a partnership between corporate data collection and state security apparatus that renders traditional privacy protections largely obsolete.

The Price Tag of Control

“We can’t afford universal healthcare or debt-free education.”

Have you noticed this claim often comes from the same people who find unlimited funding for prisons, police, and border walls? The fiscal conservatives who scrutinize every penny of social spending somehow discover bottomless wallets when it comes to systems of control.

The United States spends approximately $80 billion annually on incarceration alone. Add in police budgets, court systems, surveillance infrastructure, and border enforcement, and we’re talking hundreds of billions diverted from infrastructure, education, and healthcare.

Housing a single inmate costs between $25,000 and $60,000 per year depending on the state—roughly the salary of a teacher or nurse. Building one mile of border wall costs approximately $20 million. A single new prison costs hundreds of millions to construct.

These investments persist despite overwhelming evidence that many alternatives—from treatment programs to education to community intervention—cost less and produce better outcomes. But effectiveness has never been the point. Control is the point.

The fiscal hypocrisy merely confirms the true priorities at work: unlimited resources for systems that maintain hierarchy, endless budget constraints for services that might reduce inequality.

Imagine if we invested those surveillance and incarceration billions in education, healthcare, housing, and opportunity. We might need fewer prisons and less surveillance because we’d have fewer desperate people and less extreme inequality to maintain by force.

But that would threaten the very hierarchy the system is designed to protect.

Breaking the Control Cycle

The machinery of control conservatives have built to protect their economic interests has created a self-perpetuating system that threatens everyone’s liberty—including, eventually, their own. As inequality grows more extreme, the control mechanisms must become more comprehensive, requiring ever-greater investment and ever-broader application.

This creates an opportunity. When conservative voters find themselves caught in systems they supported but never imagined would affect them, cracks appear in the foundation of support for authoritarian governance.

Our task isn’t just exposing hypocrisy—it’s showing conservative neighbors how their own interests are undermined by the very powers they’ve been convinced to support. By highlighting specific cases where they find themselves unexpectedly targeted, we can build cross-ideological coalitions against the surveillance state.

The gun owner concerned about red flag laws and the privacy advocate worried about facial recognition may seem unlikely allies, but they share a fundamental interest in limiting government power to monitor and control citizens. The religious conservative worried about government surveillance of churches and the activist concerned about monitoring of political groups both benefit from stronger privacy protections.

These shared interests create spaces where traditional political divisions can be temporarily set aside to address common threats to liberty.

Freedom that only applies to some was never about freedom at all. It was always about control. And control, once established, knows no political loyalty—a lesson conservatives are increasingly learning firsthand.